Documenting and Interpreting Immigrant Communities:
An Undergraduate Research Training Model *
James R. Alexander
University of Pittsburgh at Johnstown
In 1993, the
The research training site chosen
for the first summer was the Cambria City National Historic District, a
self-contained, contiguous 10-block neighborhood adjacent to the site of the
historic Cambria Iron Works in
In the second summer (1995), UPJ
was able to recruit from a wider range of colleges and universities, and
drawing fourteen students from
The Research Training Program
The research training site selected
for 1995 was the Minersville historic district, a discrete six-block
neighborhood nestled along the
The core emphasis of the research training program was on the value of collaborative research. Training aspects, from historical and methodological background readings, [10] to data collection and interpretation, were focused on a single active research site, allowing students to develop a sense of collective ownership over the research process and its results. Students were able to see and experience that primary research could become more cumulative and broadly interpretive through collaboration. Data base construction was a group project, and in most other assignments, students worked in teams. Even in individual projects, students learned to draw data, data sources, references, and perspectives from one another. During any given week, the usual schedule found the morning hours devoted to seminar discussions of readings, methodological approaches, and gathering/interpreting strategies. At the end of each week, overview and summary sessions were held, with presentations to the program director. On three occasions, local agency and historical society professionals were invited in to hear and critique student presentations of preliminary findings. [11] Students were also able to consult one-on-one with a number of visiting scholars brought in during the summer to provide perspectives on the group and individual projects and to share their own research experiences with disparate forms of primary data. [12]
Results of student research were
presented at an open community forum in St. Stephens Slovak Catholic Church in
Achievements of the Program
Students received a unique instructional experience using and interpreting primary data. The intensity of the experience, combined with the proximity and manageability of the site, provided students with a rich, diverse, and substantive research experience not available in the normal course of most undergraduate (or even graduate) curricula. The opportunity to collaborate in multiple-entry data base construction and experiencing the fruits of truly collaborative field research were equally valuable, especially to students who are too often encouraged to consider historical research as a solitary enterprise.
It was equally important that students be exposed to value of using multiple approaches to gathering and interpreting primary data. A range of approaches used by scholars in several fields were explored and discussed, and the potential applicability to our site debated. Students were then free to utilize what they considered to be appropriate approaches in their individual projects. Issues of data reliability and data collection were also discussed, so that students could be exposed to the analytical limitations of the data they were trying to interpret. Finally, by moving from the aggregate to individual levels of data collection, students learned the interpretive perspective yielded by each type of data in the context of the other, a view too often lost when dwelling on one level of data collection.
During those two summers, UPJ was able to gradually build up a positive image in the community for its direct involvement and interest in local history and heritage preservation. Students moved easily and continuously in and out of local government records offices, and heritage preservation associations for the entire summer, and while this was a valuable experience for them to better understand the complex mix of local groups interested and involved in historical projects (and on which they may have to depend for access to critical primary data), it also changed the perspectives of many of those groups to the role that student researchers could play in their collective interest in local heritage. In their day-to-day research activities, in their interviews of current and previous residents of the neighborhood, and in their community presentations, students exhibited their knowledge and “ownership” of the history of the neighborhood and became friends of its residents and true ambassadors for its history.
As many who have been involved in local history can attest, this achievement cannot be over-estimated. Many historically-significant communities have been targeted by research projects that residents perceive (often correctly) as being only interested in very selective aggregate aspects of the historical record (mostly demographic and extant building data) that meet the program objectives of some external (often federal) agency. Research teams or summer interns seem to descend like locusts during the summer months, scratch around in local public record offices and interview some local sources for a short period, and then leave. The results of those research activities are rarely seen by local residents. Whether this is a fair view or not, many residents remember only that researchers came knowing nothing about the neighborhood and left knowing little more. To the degree that researchers do not have the time to or are not particularly interested in placing collected data into the historical or personal context that is most dear to residents, those residents understandably become skeptical of the researchers’ or the project’s real motives, raising the suspicion that their community and its history is being “used” to serve some externally-orchestrated (and sometimes highly publicized) project from which, rightly or wrongly, no discernible benefit comes back to the community.
Some Final Thoughts
Research training at the undergraduate level is a tenuous business. During the traditional academic year, when undergraduates are carrying four or five course loads, concentrated primary research supervision and training is difficult if not impossible. The summer “archaeological dig” model we developed to overcome many of those problems allowed us to blend substantive and methodological readings and discussions with actual application on a continuous project over which students could acquire a sense of collective ownership. Students could measure their individual contributions to the overall project results and still take pride in the enterprise as a whole. The most gratifying aspect however was that it successfully moved students through every aspect of the research process in a single project, giving them experience with and appreciation of the hard issues involved at each stage, with continuous and personal supervision and mentoring. In the process, students were able to engage in front-line primary historical research, an eye-opening experience for many, whose previous research experience involved only secondary literature and at best reflected on someone else’s data. Many senior project or thesis topics were refocused or changed when our students returned to their home institutions after the summer training. [14]
* Presented as a research
poster session at the Social Science History Conference (Migration Network),
October 10-13, 1996.
[1] SPHPC
is a federal agency under the U.S. Department of Interior spawned by the
[2] The
Cambria Iron Works and several of the contiguous neighborhoods are documented in
two HABS/HAER publications of the
[3] Copies of the bound Student Field Reports
were distributed to the Johnstown Area Heritage Association, the Cambria County
Historical Society, the
[4] Since the SPHPC oversees numerous
sites over a nine-county area and felt some obligation to move the training
site around the region, there was some debate after the first year of funding
over whether students could be recruited to spend a summer research field
experience at a more rural site (such as one of the early iron furnaces) or a
site of more esoteric interest (such as the early remote coal mining towns
connected by the East Broad Top Railroad), even with scholarship assistance. We
argued that undergraduate history students, though they may covet this unique
type of methodological training experience, had to be drawn to it by familiar
or passingly interesting aspects of American history to which they had been
exposed, and the 19th century urban, immigration experience was more likely to
be common to their backgrounds. We simply did not have time to provide that
kind of general background after they had arrived. Also, aspects of that broad
topic were included in the teaching responsibilities of a wider range of
faculty in undergraduate history departments, who we believed (accurately)
would be our principal recruiters. In the second year, when the Minersville
site was approved for funding, the quality of our recruitment, our training
curriculum, and our research product was demonstrably higher. In short, the
model worked. Unfortunately, after the second year and under increasing budgetary
constraints, the SPHPC attempted to focus on one of its rural sites (the East
Broad Top communities) by relocating the training program to the
[5] There was of course interest in
returning to the
[6] For the first two weeks, students worked in two- and three-person teams to gather, interpret, classify data from microfilm and hard copy records that had been acquired and were on file in the Owen Library, and then entered those data in a 35-column set using FilemakerPro on seven networked MACs in a UPJ computer lab in the basement of the Owen Library. After the usual startup crashes and other maladies, this system allowed teams to enter data into the set from multiple stations at the same time, and to move easily between data entry and original sources. It should be noted that FilemakerPro is not the only software that allows this, and our selection of this software was somewhat last-minute. It happened to be the one piece of software we had in our software suite at the time the Minersville site was approved for 1995, and we adapted our project to that.
[7] The 1890 manuscript data were mostly lost in a fire, causing all demographic studies from the 1860-1920 period to confront the various methodological implications of the data gap. Students had to attempt to bridge that gap using other sources of data, such as city directories and Sanborn Fire Insurance maps. Students also had to uncover and discuss the interpretive implications of the different surveys, styles of collecting manuscript data, and methods of classification of data (e.g. country of origin) from the different census years, as well as wrestling with handwriting styles from the earlier periods. Census data were cross-referenced against city directories from 1869, 1876, 1889, 1901, 1905, 1911-12, 1920, 1925 and 1927 using where possible Sanborn maps from 1881, 1896, 1913, and 1935.
[8] Again, the implications of how city directories were compiled and the degree to which residents, especially in immigrant neighborhoods, willingly or accurately complied with self-reporting had to be discussed. Students found however that city directories were a far more reliable cross-referencing source than has been indicated by the literature, especially if they could be checked against appropriate Sanborn maps (see note 7 above). Church records, as we have all experienced, are extremely difficult to access.
[9] In many cases, “cemetery records” were
drawn from six ethnic-discrete Catholic church cemeteries dating back to the
1880s, some of which offered only fragmented documentation of parish
memberships and some family genealogies. For data on the earliest neighborhood
residents, we had to rely on fragmentary church and county death and estate
records for cross-referencing until later in the period (after 1900) when
commercial funeral operators began to take over most of the burial
responsibilities in the community. Newspaper obituaries from the earlier
periods are also fragmented and rarely representative of a neighborhood’s
resident population.
[10] In both years, our required reading included representative readings on general methodological issues [selections from Barzun and Graff, The Modern Researcher (1992); The Encyclopedia of Social History (1994); Gutman, Work, Culture and Society in Industrializing America (1976); and a number of articles on using census data as a source of reliable social indicators], immigration patterns [selections from Bodner, The Transplanted (1985); Diner, Erin’s Daughters (1983); Rosenzweig, Eight Hours for What We Will (1983) and other studies] and project design [such as Zunz, The Changing Face of Equality (1982); Barrett, Work and Community in the Jungle (1987); McIlvain’s “Twelve Blocks” study of Pittsburgh, and Borshert’s “Alley Life”].
[11] This was a particularly valuable exercise from the standpoint that local history professionals were much more perspectived in the nuances and implications of student findings and conclusions, and could lend more detailed expertise on local history than students possessed.
[12] In 1995, visiting scholars included
Hasia Diner (
[13] Copies of the 1995 (
[14] As
illustration, two students used their own primary data to complete and present
undergraduate theses on ethnic group persistence in Cambria City-Minersville.
One of those returned to